Linguistics An Essential Introduction (Version 1.5)

The basic structure of a linguistic sign can be represented as shown in Figure 2.1.2, an illustration adapted from the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913), who was among the first to discuss language as a system of signs (or semiotic system).

We will see later that this representation is slightly too simple, but it allows us to clarify the basic properties the linguistic sign:

In Figure 2.1.2, the form of the sign tree is represented orthographically as ⟨tree⟩. We could also represent it as a sequence of speech sounds (we will learn how to do this in Chapter 5), or, in the case of signed languages, a diagram like that in Figure 1.1.3. But those are just notations — the form of a linguistic sign is not really a sequence of speech sounds (for spoken language), gestures (for signed language), or shapes on a page or a screen (for written language). Instead, the form of a linguistic sign is a mental representation — the subconscious knowledge needed to imagine, produce or recognize such sequences of sounds, movements or shapes.

In the case of the spoken English word tree, this mental representation includes knowledge about the way we have to manipulate our vocal chords, our tongue, lips and teeth to make a “t” sound, an “r” sound and an “ee” sound in that order and the knowledge of what it sounds like when speakers produce such a sequence (wait for Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 to learn more about this).

In the case of the ASL sign with the same meaning, it includes knowledge about how the angle at which the left arm is held, the way that the elbow of the right arm rests on the left hand, about the way that the right hand is open with the fingers slightly spread and about the way the hand is quickly rotated back and forth and about the starting and end position of the hand.

For language users who can read English, it also includes knowledge of the shapes that are used to represent the word tree — for example, the different combinations of lines and curves that make up the graphemes ⟨t⟩, ⟨r⟩ and ⟨e⟩ in the Latin alphabet, or the configurations of dots that make up the characters ⟨⠞⟩, ⟨⠗⟩ and ⟨⠑⟩ in the Braille system. They will also have a mental representation of the specific way in which these characters are used to spell the word tree, such as the fact that the vowel sound in this word is represented by a sequence of two ⟨e⟩’s, rather than one of the many other graphemes that can represent it. If they can write, their mental representation will also include knowledge of how a writing instrument (for example, a pen, a typewriter, a computer keyboard) must be manipulated in order to produce this sequence of marks on paper, a screen, a Braille display, and so on (we will talk about writing a bit more in Section 5.1.

Just as the form of a sign is not a specific instance of a sequence of sounds, movements or marks on a page, the meaning of a sign is not a specific entity or situation in the world. Instead, it is also a mental representation. The nature of this representation is not easy to grasp. In the case of words for concrete entities like trees, we might be tempted to think of such representations as mental images — upon hearing the word tree, we would picture in our mind an entity like that in Figure 2.1.2). Now, since you have likely seen many trees (and pictures of trees) in your life, you will have a pretty good idea of what an “typical” tree looks like, and so hearing the word might indeed evoke a picture before your inner eye. However, this image is not the meaning of the word tree.

First, because our experience of trees extends to other aspects than just their overall shape and color — in includes the way their appearance changes throughout the year, the way they smell after it has rained, the way their leaves rustle when the wind blows through them, the shade they provide on a sunny day, and so on. Which of these are part of the meaning of the word tree and which are not? If someone has never seen a tree (for example, because they are blind), can they not know the meaning of the word?

Second, because most words are not used for communicating about concrete entities, and therefore they cannot be “pictured” at all — think of words such as environment, climate or protection. Since we can understand such words — and since we can understand words referring to entities we have not seen, heard, touched, smelled, tasted, etc. —, the meaning of words must be more than a representation of sensory impressions.

For the moment, the meaning of a linguistic sign is best thought of as a shared knowledge structure referred to as a concept in linguistics. We will talk about such knowledge structures in much more detail in Section 3.1 and Section 3.2, but for now, let us simply describe them in the way dictionaries do. For the word tree, this description would be something like ‘a relatively large plant with a thick wooden stem and lateral branches that start at some distance from the ground and have green leaf- or needle-shaped growths attached to them for at least part of the year’. Note that in linguistics, descriptions of a sign’s meaning are always given in single quotation marks, as we did just now. If you just want to clarify that you are talking about the meaning of a word, without going into detail as to what that meaning is, you can also use the word itself in all capital letters — for example, TREE.

Finally, the association between the mental representation of a linguistic form and the mental representation of a meaning is itself a mental phenomenon. Put simply, each of these representation can activate the other: we can perceive (see, hear, feel, smell or) a tree or simply think of one, and this will activate the representation of a particular sequence of sounds, movements or shapes, which we can then produce (if we choose to do so). Or we can perceive a sequence of sounds, gestures or shapes, and this will activate a mental representation of a tree. Depending on the situation, we may then make a connection between that knowledge (a mental representation) and a particular entity in the real world (for example, between the concept of a tree and a specific tree — we will come back to this issue in Section 2.3).

Since written language is to some extent dependent on spoken language, the question arises as to how the written form — for example, a sequence of shapes — is connected to the spoken form — a sequence of sounds. The broad answer is that there can be additional associations in our mind either between a spoken and a written form, or between a meaning and a written form. Which of these are likely to exist depends on the type of writing system and, in the case of an alphabetic writing system, on the type of correspondence between sounds and graphemes. In English, this correspondence is rather indirect — as we saw in the case of the sequences ⟨ee⟩, ⟨ei⟩, ⟨ea⟩ and ⟨ie⟩, which can all stand for the same vowel. Since it is impossible to predict what grapheme or combination of graphemes will be used to represent a particular speech sound in the orthographic representation of a particular word, we can assume that learning to read English involves learning to associate sequences of graphemes directly with the meaning of words. One piece of evidence for such an association is readily available: you should be able to think of words that you have read repeatedly and understand perfectly, but are not sure how to say out loud — in languages you acquired as a child, and certainly in languages that you learned as an adult.

On the other hand, for language users who regularly read written texts out loud, there is probably also an association between written and spoken forms that does not involve meaning. First, you may have had the experience of reading a text out loud without paying any attention to meaning; second, you may know how to say and write certain words without knowing their meaning.

CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0. Written by Anatol Stefanowitsch